(Bloomberg Opinion) -- Critics from Ukraine to NATO have of late been chastising Germany for reacting too slowly and timidly against Russian aggression. Fair enough. Germany, as the largest economy in the European Union, bears disproportionate responsibility in helping to coordinate the Western response against the Kremlin's atrocities and lies. But the attention given to Berlin obscures the not-so-helpful role played by several smaller European countries.
Most reprehensible among those is, of course, Hungary. Its prime minister, Viktor Orban, is an authoritarian right-wing populist who's long been buddies with Russian President Vladimir Putin. While Orban has gone along with the EU sanctions passed so far, he's blocked arms deliveries to Ukraine via Hungary and threatened to veto any European embargo of Russian oil and gas. Orban's Hungary is the West's weakest link.
For the title of second-weakest, there's competition, but a strong contender is Austria. It shares not only a language, culture and history with its larger northern neighbor, Germany, but also a legacy of pro-Russian sentiment and cozy relations with Moscow. If Washington, Brussels and Berlin want to keep the West united against Putin, they'd do well to start by leaning on Vienna to choose a side and make it known.
Austria was part of the Third Reich that brought so much suffering and death to Europe, including Russia and Ukraine. Nonetheless, Austrian politics were not primarily shaped by post-war atonement as Germany's were. Germans joke that their southern neighbors' greatest achievement has been to convince the world that Beethoven was Austrian and Hitler German. Toward Moscow, in particular, Austrians always had fewer complexes.
Nonetheless, Austria and Germany after World War II were initially in similar situations. Both were occupied by the four Allied victors. But whereas the Iron Curtain ran through Germany, it always ran around Austria, because the Soviets didn't impose socialism in their zone. The country became sovereign again in 1955 on the condition — imposed by Moscow — that it remain neutral in perpetuity. To this day, Austria is not a member of NATO, a status it shares with only five other EU members.
Just after independence, Vienna took over Austria's energy infrastructure from the Russians. The Soviet Mineral Oil Administration became what is today OMV AG, the country's oil and gas behemoth. In 1968, Austria became the first country in front of the Iron Curtain to sign a contract to get natural gas from the Soviet Union. It became the hub for Russian hydrocarbons flowing to western Europe.
At the same time, Vienna attracted probably the world's greatest concentration of spies, and Soviet ones in particular. After the Cold War, it remained just as popular with Russian snoops. It's still a preferred venue for spy exchanges.
Russian oligarchs also took to Austria — its companies, picturesque mountains and accommodating bureaucracy. As of 2020, Russian investment in the country was second only to German money. Ski resorts such as Lech became Russian haunts.
Retired Austrian politicians went on to soaring careers in Russian companies. Germany's ex-chancellor Gerhard Schroeder deservedly hogs notoriety for his board memberships in Russian energy giants. But former Austrian chancellors such as Wolfgang Schuessel and Christian Kern have held similar positions — though unlike Schroeder, they've handed in their resignations since Feb. 24.
In brazenness, the closest analog to Schroeder in Austrian politics is Karin Kneissl. While she was foreign minister, in 2018, she invited Putin to her wedding. He showed up with a Cossack choir in tow, gave a pitch-perfect toast in German, and danced with the bride. Kneissl then curtsied before him all the way to the floor. The visuals said it all. To this day, she blogs for Russia Today, an arm of Putin's propaganda machine, and sits on the board (chaired by Schroeder) of Rosneft, Russia's oil leviathan.
There had been another excruciating moment, even by Austrian standards, in 2014, just a few months after Putin's annexation of Crimea. While the rest of Europe was struggling to coordinate sanctions, Putin dropped by in Austria for another visit.
In his welcome address, the then-president of Austria's main business lobby joked about how many times he'd already greeted the Russian president over the years, because both had been in office so long. “Dictatorship,” quipped Putin, bringing the house down, before adding: “But good dictatorship.” The hilarity grew from there. The speaker also reminded Putin that, a century earlier, part of Ukraine had been Austrian. “What are you offering?,” Putin deadpanned to the howls of Austrian industrialists.
All the while, Austria was making itself utterly dependent on Putin's energy. Wherever a Siberian hydrocarbon molecule embarked on a trip to Europe, Austrian money, lobbying and cheering weren't far. For example, Nord Stream 2, a geopolitically disastrous Russian pipeline under the Baltic, has been blamed mostly on German governments, but OMV was also a big investor (though it is writing down its Russian assets). Even today, about 80% of Austria's gas comes from Russia.
That said, the brutality of Putin's current war has shaken even Austria out of its long Russophile romance. In that sense, at least, it differs from Hungary. Last month, Chancellor Karl Nehammer became the first Western leader since Feb. 24 to meet Putin in Moscow. His access to the hermit despot was a legacy of their countries' special relationship. But Nehammer made clear that “this is not a friendly visit.”
And yet, the rest of the West will be forgiven for wondering how much it can rely on Austria as the conflict drags on or escalates. Will Vienna support a boycott of Russian oil and gas? Will it bid adieu to its neutrality — as Sweden and Finland are about to do — to side with the West? Orban may be too far gone for Western appeals to reason. But in Vienna, there's still a chance.
More From This Writer and Others at Bloomberg Opinion:
Only One Thing Will Help Ukraine Now. Weapons: Therese Raphael
Putin Is Losing So Here's How He'll Make the War Worse: Andreas Kluth
Why NATO Should Welcome Finland and Sweden: The Editors
This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
Andreas Kluth is a columnist for Bloomberg Opinion. He was previously editor in chief of Handelsblatt Global and a writer for the Economist. He's the author of "Hannibal and Me."
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