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This Article is From Mar 19, 2021

Vaccine Protectionists Versus Vaccine Free Traders

Vaccine Protectionists Versus Vaccine Free Traders
Discarded vials of the Pfizer-BioNTech Covid-19 vaccine, at a vaccination centre in Paris, on March 11, 2021. (Photographer: Nathan Laine/Bloomberg)

There are two types of countries in the world: those that worry about whether they will have a sufficient supply of Covid-19 vaccines to jab their population within the next few months, and those that know they don't. The first group are Vaccine Protectionists, while the second are Vaccine Free Traders.

Economically, developed countries populate the first category, while developing and least developed ones populate the second. That's ironic because traditional trade positions are reversed. Richer countries incline to free trade. Poorer ones worry about protecting infant industries and small and medium-sized enterprises.

Historically, the two categories of countries are redolent of a mid-20th century ‘First World – Third World' confrontation. Haves versus Have Nots, in that Vaccine Protectionists have the vaccine, and Vaccine Free Traders don't. A Bloomberg study found that ‘more than 20% of the population in countries including Israel, the U.K., Bahrain, and the U.S have received at least one shot, while few African nations received a single shipment of shots before March'.

Politically, the first group stands accused of privileging its nationals. That explains the common rubric of ‘vaccine nationalism'. However, that's an over-used, under-defined term. A more lawyer-like understanding of cross-border supply-demand imbalances in the Pfizer/BioNTech, Moderna, Oxford/AstraZeneca, and other approved vaccines uses different terminology and reveals the legal, geopolitical, and moral arguments at play.

‘Vaccine Protectionism', Not ‘Vaccine Nationalism'

True, holding back vaccines from another country is detrimental to that other country, meeting one part of the lexicographic definition of nationalism. Except for Trumpian America Firsters (a big exception, admittedly), there is no specific political ideology causing one group of countries to be hesitant about shipping vaccines to a second group of countries. Rather, the first group is driven by vaccine insecurity, not having enough vaccine to jab their people. That's just like food insecurity, not having enough grains to feed their people.

And, of course, there is a lot of vaccine insecurity. In just the last week:

  • On March 18, United Kingdom Health Secretary Matt Hancock told Parliament that doses of the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine made by the Serum Institute of India have been stalled. Serum's CEO Adar Poonawala told Bloomberg in an interview the previous day that the company had been directed to prioritise India and other countries with a high burden of the disease.
  • On March 17, The European Commission President threatened to halt Covid-19 vaccine exports to the U.K. unless “Europe gets its fair share”.
  • On March 12, the Biden Administration said it is holding on to its stockpile of AstraZeneca vaccines, even though the shot isn't authorised for U.S. use, rebuffing pressure from Europe and the company to consider sharing doses of the shot.
Vaccine insecurity translates into a specific trade policy, just like food insecurity: protectionism.

Central governments concerned about running out of a critical product turn to legislation, like the 1950 U.S. Defense Production Act, to intervene in private contractual arrangements (between vaccine producers and consumers), commandeer supplies, and direct them to their citizens based on domestic priority rankings (essential workers and the elderly first). Those interventions impinge on free trade to ensure pharmaceutical companies don't sell to the highest bidder regardless of location.

No International Trade Law Obligation To Export

None of the 164 World Trade Organization Members has a duty to export anything, nor a right to import anything. The rules of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and WTO set the conditions for cross-border trade in goods and services, but they don't mandate that trade occur.

Indeed, the basic rule in GATT against the imposition of quantitative restrictions on exports or imports is subject to a major exception:

Export prohibitions or restrictions temporarily applied to prevent or relieve critical shortages of foodstuffs or other products essential to the exporting contracting party.
GATT Article XI:1, Paragraph 1(a)

Without a doubt, vaccines are an “other product essential,” and thus a proper subject for a “temporary” export ban to “prevent or relieve a critical shortage” of them.

The key terms, such as “essential,” are self-judging, at least when it matters most. That is, a Vaccine Protectionist facing a crisis will impose a trade-restrictive measure on vaccine exports. It'll be for a Vaccine Free Trader to bring suit alleging one or more of the terms were unfulfilled. If the Protectionist had to await approval of the WTO Membership, or a victory in a WTO Panel case (remember, the Appellate Body is dead, so getting its opinion isn't even an option), then the response to the crisis might come too late to help its public.

Plus, a government facing a public health crisis that awaits a multilateral blessing for restricting trade in vaccines is a government inviting its citizens to toss it from power.

Compulsory Licensing: Leverage For Free Traders

In 2005, Articles 31(f) and (h) of the WTO Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights were amended. The amendments were waivers from adherence to normal TRIPS patent protection obligations.

A country may issue a compulsory license, thereby overriding patent rights, and import generic drugs to treat public health matters. That's true for ones known when the amendment was made, such as HIV/AIDS, malaria, and tuberculosis, and must be so for ones not known, such as the coronavirus. Otherwise, compulsory licensing would be ridiculously circumscribed to diseases known at the time. The waivers remove the constraint that generics made under a compulsory license should be primarily for the domestic market of the country granting the license and thus permit the exportation of generics to a country lacking manufacturing capacity.

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